Re: Certame coronario October 1441

11
The ten judges of the Certame Coronario: who were they?

No contemporary record of their names exists. The first to propose a list was Girolamo Mancini, Vita di Leon Battista Alberti (1882), p. 228. Mancini named nine papal secretaries as probable judges.

Poggio Bracciolini
Antonio Loschi
Cencio Rustici
Andrea Fiocchi
Flavio Biondo
Carlo Aretino (Marsuppini)
Giovanni Aurispa
Giorgio da Trebisonda (Trapezunzio)
Bartolomeo da Montepulciano)

He gives his authorities for these names as known papal secretaries to Eugene IV.
Image

The main ones are -


First five (including Biondo himself implicitly): Biondo Flavio, Blondus Flavius De verbis romanae locutionis, II (p. 198 section 12 in Tavoni's edition)

Image

Six and seven: Cyriac of Ancona, Itinerarium, pp. 6 and 7

Image

Eight: Vespasiano da Bisticci, Vite di uomini illustri del secolo XV scritte da Vespasiano da Bisticci, ed. Angelo Mai, 1859, p. 486

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Nine: Domenico Giorgi, Vita Nicolai Quintus, 1742, p. 175 (Bartholomæus a Monte Politiano)

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This list was followed nine years later by Francesco Flamini, La lirica toscana del Rinascimento, 1891, p. 4 note 2, who also noted that the manuscript Palat. 215 specifies the number ten (dieci) (the only explicit reference to a number)(f. 107v; this is the manuscript with the Protesta, where the title explains that the following text refers to the contest of 22 October 1441, "Dove , avendo a giudicare il dono fatto dieci Segretarij di papa eugenio , e non dando il dono a nesuno , seghui che uno mandò a ' detti quessto scritto , dove onestissimamente gli vitupera , come legiendo si vede") , and therefore suggests two possible candidates as this judge:

Poggio
Lusco
Rustici
Fiocchi
Biondo
Carlo Aretino
Aurispa
Giorgio da Trebisonda
Bartolomeo da Montepulciano
Niccolò Perotti or Maffeo Vegio

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In his revised list of the 1911 edition, p. 200, Mancini dropped Loschi and Bartolomeo, and added two different names:

Poggio
Cencio Rustici
Andrea Fiocchi
Biondo
Carlo Marsuppini
Giovanni Aurispa
Cristoforo Garatone
Niccolò Sagundino
Giorgio Trapezunzio

Thanks to Mike Howard I now have Mancini's 1911 biography. Here is the passage (as I suspected, he had found out since 1882 that Loschi had died earlier in 1441) -
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New research later in the 20th century clarified who exactly might have had the title of papal secretary at this time, particularly Peter Partner, The Pope's Men: The Papal Civil Service in the Renaissance, OUP, 1991, pp. 216-256. This research allowed Luca Boschetto, Società e cultura a Firenze al tempo del Concilio (2012), pp. 388-391 to exclude some and narrow down the list:

Poggio
Biondo
Fiocchi
Cencio de' Rustici
Niccolò Sagundino di Siniponto
Giovanni Aurispa
Pietro da Noceto

One of the following three:
Iacopo Langusco (Iacopo di Giovanni Languschi)
or
Bartolomeo Roverella (less likely because maybe not secretary yet)
or
Fernan Diaz (but not likely to have been in Florence at this time in Boschetto's estimation)

Carlo Marsuppini (honorary secretary since April 1441)
Leonardo Bruni

Re: Certame coronario October 1441

12
Thanks, this looks like some progress.

I found this ...
https://library.oapen.org/handle/20.500 ... ?show=full
Chapter Poggio and Alberti Revisited
by Marsh, David 2020
Abstract:
The careers of the Curial secretaries Poggio Bracciolini (1380-1459) and Leon Battista Alberti (1404-1472) reveal many parallels. In 1437-1438 the Este court of Ferrara, where Eugenius IV convoked a church council, provided a focal point for their friendship. It was to the Ferrarese canon Francesco Marescalchi that Poggio dedicated Book 1 of his Latin epistles (1436), and Alberti his Hundred Apologues (1437). Both men were inspired to critiques of contemporary society by the Greek satirist Lucian, and both indulged in composing brief witticisms that expose human vice: Poggio in his Facetiae (Jests) and Alberti in his Apologi (Fables) and Vita (Autobiography). From Lucian, they also learned to dramatize human foibles on the imagined stage of the theatrum mundi, or theater of the world: Poggio in his dialogues, and Alberti in both the Intercenales and Momus. Despite such literary affinities, their approach to ethical questions differed, especially concerning the validity of allegory, which Poggio rejected but Alberti embraced. As a tribute to his colleague, Alberti dedicated Book 4 of his Intercenales to Poggio; he prefaced the work with an ironic Aesopic fable that asserts the superiority of recondite scientific research over commonplace humanistic studies. Eventually, Alberti’s status as an outsider in Florence was reflected in the deterioration in his relations with Poggio. The rift was widened in 1441, when Alberti organized the Italian poetic competition called the Certame Coronario that was held in the Florence cathedral on October 22. Poggio was a member of the jury that, to Alberti’s chagrin, refused to declare a winner.
Huck
http://trionfi.com

Re: Certame coronario October 1441

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Ross Caldwell wrote: 01 Mar 2023, 15:45 New research later in the 20th century clarified who exactly might have had the title of papal secretary at this time, particularly Peter Partner, The Pope's Men: The Papal Civil Service in the Renaissance, OUP, 1991, pp. 216-256. This research allowed Luca Boschetto, Società e cultura a Firenze al tempo del Concilio (2012), pp. 388-391 to exclude some and narrow down the list:

Poggio
Biondo
Fiocchi
Cencio de' Rustici
Niccolò Sagundino di Siniponto
Giovanni Aurispa
Pietro da Noceto

One of the following three:
Iacopo Langusco (Iacopo di Giovanni Languschi)
or
Bartolomeo Roverella (less likely because maybe not secretary yet)
or
Fernan Diaz (but not likely to have been in Florence at this time in Boschetto's estimation)

Carlo Marsuppini (honorary secretary since April 1441)
Leonardo Bruni
Poggio
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Poggio_Bracciolini .... (1380-1459)
Biondo
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Flavio_Biondo .... (1392 - 1463)
Fiocchi (= Andrea Fiocchi)
https://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/an ... ografico)/ .... (- 1452)
Cencio de' Rustici .... Cencio Rustici, detto Romanus, accompanied Poggio during the council of Constance
https://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/ce ... rafico%29/ .... (1380/90 - 1445)
Niccolò Sagundino di Siniponto
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Niccolò_Sagundino .... (1402 - 1464)
Giovanni Aurispa
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Giovanni_Aurispa .... (1376 -1459)
Pietro da Noceto .... (1397 - 1467)
https://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/pi ... 20Piacenza.
Carlo Marsuppini (honorary secretary since April 1441)
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Carlo_Marsuppini .... (1399 - 1453)
Leonardo Bruni
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Leonardo_Bruni .... (c1370 - 1444)

Leon Battista Alberti ... was he also called a secretary?
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Leon_Battista_Alberti .... (1404 - 1472)
Huck
http://trionfi.com

Re: Certame coronario October 1441

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I can't find that Alberti was ever a papal secretary - I tend to think not.

His official title in Eugene IV's court was "abbreviator." Here is what they did - https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Abbreviator
Nel 1431 diventò segretario del patriarca di Grado e reggente della cancelleria pontificia Biagio Molin. Nel 1432 Alberti è documentato a Roma al seguito dell'alto prelato che lo fece anche nominare abbreviatore apostolico (il cui ruolo consisteva per l'appunto nel redigere i brevi apostolici). Così entrò nel prestigioso ambiente umanistico della curia di papa Eugenio IV, che (sempre nel 1432) tolse con apposita bolla l'impedimento che vietava ad Alberti, figlio illegittimo, di assumere gli ordini sacri e lo nominò titolare della pieve di San Martino a Gangalandi a Lastra a Signa, nei pressi di Firenze, beneficio di cui godette fino alla morte,[1] mettendo fine alle sue ristrettezze economiche.

In 1431 he became secretary to the patriarch of Grado and regent of the papal chancery Biagio Molin. In 1432 Alberti is documented in Rome in the retinue of the high prelate, who also had him appointed apostolic abbreviator (whose role consisted precisely in drafting apostolic briefs). Thus he entered the prestigious humanistic milieu of the curia of Pope Eugene IV, who (also in 1432) removed by a special bull the impediment that forbade Alberti, an illegitimate son, from taking holy orders and appointed him titular of the parish church of San Martino a Gangalandi in Lastra a Signa, near Florence, a benefit he enjoyed until his death,[1] putting an end to his financial straits.
https://it.wikipedia.org/wiki/Leon_Battista_Alberti

In any case, Alberti was a contestant, so he could not be a judge. Here is his short poem -
DE AMICITIA

Dite, o mortali, che sì fulgente corona
ponesti in mezzo, che pur mirando volete?
Forse l’amicizia, qual col celeste Tonante
tra li celicoli è con maiestate locata.
Ma pur sollicita non raro scende l’Olimpo
sol se sussidio darci, se comodo posse.
Non vien nota mai, non vien composta temendo
l’invida contra lei scelerata gente nimica.
In tempo e luogo veggo che grato sarebbe
a chi qui mira manifesto poterla vedere.
S’oggi scendesse, qui dentro accolta vedreste
sì la sua effigie e gesti, sì tutta la forma.
Dunque voi che qui venerate su’ alma corona,
leggete i miei monimenti e presto saravvi
l’inclita forma sua molto notissima, donde
cauti amerete: poi così starete beati.
https://it.wikisource.org/wiki/Rime_(Alberti)/13
Dites, ô mortels, qui une si brillante couronne
avez mis en jeu, que voulez-vous, vous qui ne cessez de regarder?
L'Amitié, peut-être, qui avec le céleste Tonnant
est assise avec Majesté parmi les Habitants du Ciel?
Cependant, zélée, elle descend souvent de l'Olympe
pour autant qu'elle puisse vous porter aide et réconfort.
Elle n'est jamais reconnaissable ni identifiable, par crainte
des gens scélerats et hostiles qui l'envient.
En temps et lieu, je vois qu'il serait agréable
à ceux qui regardent ici de pouvoir la contempler.
Si aujourd'hui elle descendait, vous verriez ici-bas accueillis
aussi bien son effigie et ses gestes que toute son essence.
Vous donc qui vénérez ici sa noble couronne,
vous lirez mes exhortations, et bientôt vous sera
son illustre forme parfaitement manifeste, si bien
que vous aimerez avec prudence. Ainsi serez-vous bienheureuse.

(French translation by Marco Sabbatini, in Guglielmo Gorni, ed., Leon Battista Alberti, Rime/Poèmes, suivi de la Protesta/Protestation, Les Belles Lettres, 2002, p. 150)

Say, oh mortals, who so brilliant a crown
have put at stake, what do you want, you who never stop looking?
Friendship, perhaps, who with the celestial Thunderbolt
Is sitting with majesty among the Dwellers of Heaven?
However, zealous, she often descends from Olympus
so far as she can bring you help and comfort.
She is never recognizable or identifiable, for fear
of the scurrilous and hostile people who envy her.
In time and place, I see that it would be pleasant
to those who look here to be able to contemplate it.
If today she came down, you would see here below welcomed
her effigy and her gestures as well as all her essence.
You then who venerate here her noble crown
you will read my exhortations, and soon you will be
her illustrious form perfectly manifest, so much
that you will love with prudence. Thus you will be blessed.

There is debate about whether he personally recited it or not.

Re: S. P. Malatesta, Agnolo d'Anghiari and Giusto Giusto 1439/40/412

16
Huck wrote: 27 Mar 2022, 06:47 Actually there are 5 versions from much later time and the Trionfi note for instance is only in one of them.
I guess, that Malatesta wasn't in Florence. The political change from Piccinino back to the Florentine side should have been arranged by diplomats. Possibly Guisto was one of the active diplomats in this matter.
Bingo. And who was he being diplomatic for?

The only business that Giusti had in Florence at this time, besides provisioning troops, is dealing with the Dieci for condotti. From that body's perspective Giusti was a natural go between with Malatesta to cement getting him back in the fold (the Dieici could have given him a fattened contract in that regard to defer the cost of purchasing the luxury deck, which he duly notes he purchased in Florence). Remember that Trevisan and Papal troops were also sent to Malatesta at the time he received his deck of the ur-tarot. Malatesta was both a papal and Florentine ally, forced away by Piccinino.

And who was on that Medici-dominated Dieci that had cultural/art production connections? Leonardo Bruni, who had previously laid out a program for the 'gate's of Paradise' for the Baptistery's doors. I still say Bruni is a natural candidate as the inventor of trionfi, his own guild hall featuring the virtues on its ceiling, and his writings focusing on the virtues, and he had the management of domestic and foreign affairs as his concern as chancellor. The virtues were mixed with exemplary themes from Dante, on his mind from his popular vita of Dante from just four years before Anghiari.

Back to Giusti: Nowhere else in the journal does he evince an interest in any kind of art production. For him to buy art on any occasion is out of character. He notes spoils of war to which he and his clients are entitled and civic celebrations - especially palio winners - as he had what we might call in America 'blue collar' tastes. Giusti was a practical man, turning a buck (er, Florin), for whom the world of art is someone else's business. To think the gift of trionfi was his idea - and not the Dieci's with whom he is dealing before setting off to Malatesta - seems preposterous. Later in the journal we find Giusti as a specific go-between for Cosimo and Malatesta. Malatesta formerly owning the city that was won after Anghiari, San Sepolcro, and it slipping away from him as Florence bought it from the pope, was yet another reason for diplomatic gifts.

What of the Certame coronario of a year later in October 1441? Brian Maxson's paper is the most illuminating in my opinion: "The Certame coronario as Performative Ritual" in Rituals of Politics and Culture in Early Modern Europe: Essays in Honour of Edward Muir. Essays and Studies, 39. Toronto: Centre for Reformation and Renaissance Studies, 2016: 137-63. On-line here: https://www.academia.edu/26020071/The_C ... ive_Ritual

While whom the judges were is of some interest, they didn't even pick a winner. Who set up the competition is more noteworthy:

The planning for the Certame coronario began in the dramatic diplomatic environment of September or early October 1441.3
“The city of Florence,” began one principal manuscript witness, “continuously had endured extreme suffering and attacks because of the continuous wars waged against Filippo Maria, duke of Milan. hose wars were still not entirely at an end when, for the consolation of their afflicted souls, messer Batista degli Alberti and Piero di Cosimo de’ Medici,” approached the Florentine Studio with an idea.4 [= Bertolini, De vera amicitia, 519]. From 1439 the condottiere Francesco Sforza — employed by Florence, Venice, and Pope Eugenius IV — had fought against Milan’s condottiere Niccolò Piccinino, with the figures alternately seizing and liberating lands in Lombardy, Tuscany, and the Romagna. Drawn out of Tuscany by Sforza’s encroachment towards Milan, Piccinino and various Florentine exiles were defeated at the battle of Anghiari in the summer of 1440. The victory turned the tide of the war decisively in favor of the Florentines, Venetians, and the pope, and set in motion events that led to the Peace of Cavriana, a treaty based upon the marriage between the Milanese Bianca Visconti and Florentine/Venetian and papal condottiere Francesco Sforza. Informed contemporary viewers of the political proceedings seem to have thought that the peace could reach a long-lasting solution to the Lombard conlicts.5 For example, Biondo Flavio chose the Peace of Cavriana as the event with which to close his massive Decades. 6 Leonardo Bruni similarly chose the events later Anghiari to end his Commentaries.7 Both men, thus, symbolically suggested their views on the significance of the Sforza/Visconti marriage and the peace it fostered. Just two days before this heralded marriage, the Florentines hosted the Certame coronario, a poetry competition on the nature of true friendship. he event, as argued below, was a performative ritual that looked to solidify the connection between Sforza and Visconti.

To summarize: The Anghiari and related campaigns all were swept up into Sforza's brokered Peace of Cavriana and related marriage to Bianca, which the Medici viewed as an era-defining moment (per Flavio and Bruni's works, among others). The victory cementing their own power in Tuscany and permanently keeping Milan at bay (so they hoped); just as much as Filippo thought having Sforza in his camp would somehow turn the future tide to his favor (sorely mistaken), Medici viewed Sforza, indebted to them, as a means of avoiding future conflicts. The Certame's olive leaf theme of "friendship" even included an implicit nod from Alberti to his old friend and current mouthpiece of the Albizzi/Filippo alliance, Filelfo:
The speakers were Francesco Alberti, Antonio Agli, Mariotto Davanzati, Anselmo Calderoni [town herald who had already written a piece praising the 'men of Sforza' after Anghiari], Benedetto Accolti, Cyriac of Ancona, Leonardo Dati, and Leon Battista Alberti, although Antonio di Meglio and his son Gregorio recited the poems by Agli and Davanzati for them.93 The words by Alberti were recited either by Antonio or Gregorio di Meglio, or even possibly by a young Cristoforo Landino.94 A speech by Niccolò della Luna seems to have inaugurated the event.95 These men all came from various political factions in Florence. Francesco Alberti was a member of anti-Medici groups in Florence.96 The Davanzati family, by contrast, was made up of Medici partisans.97 Benedetto Accolti also was a friend of the Medici.98 Niccolò della Luna, by contrast, was a friend of Francesco Filelfo and the son of a man who would be exiled from Florence in 1444.99 The individuals in the Certame coronario varied in their domestic politics, but they almost all shared very close connections to Pope Eugenius IV (154-55).
Pope Eugene was a problem since yet another condottiero friendly to him, Baldaccio (also from Anghiari and married into the Malatesta family), had been thrown out of the town hall window to his death at this time. So the point of this "friendship" poetry competition was to ameliorate the pope and show him that although victorious the Medici were making nice with Milan and even dissident voices in Florence, with whom the pope was friendly. But equally straining was the Medici and pope's relationship to Sforza - the former placed him at the center of their own security and the latter loathed him as one making in-roads to Papal fiefs (namely Ancona). All of this then, the Certame, was a smokescreen to place the Medici-Sforza alliance in a peaceful light in regard to Milan and the pope's own precarious position in regard to the Church's holdings and his need to return to Rome. That this failed and that the pope left Florence in a huff does not change the intent of this competition.

Now for what amounts to a smoking gun, in my opinion, of the Certame in the context of the production of trionfi - the CY:
At one level, the Certame, as a ritual, sought to ensure the success of the marriage — occurring almost on the exact same day — in the north between Francesco Sforza and Bianca Maria Visconti, daughter of Sforza’s long-time rival Filippo Maria Visconti, as well as the related peace negotiations to end the wars in Lombardy. Additionally, the Certame had another context closer to home, where it served to attempt to quell tensions rising over the death of the condottiere Baldaccio d’Anghiari.(137)
The production of the ur-trionfi at the time of Anghiari, arguably immediately after the battle, from which Giusti ordered the personalized deck for Malatesta, can be framed as a predecessor production of the Certame, as part of the Medici's on-going public relations, the latter personally pushed for by Piero.

The biggest question is who commissioned and created the CY, which has all the hallmarks of having been created for the Sforza-Bianca wedding, simultaneously celebrated at the time of the Certame. Given the presence of one groomed by Filelfo in the Certame competition, as a means of underscoring the non-partisan "friendship" promoted by the Medici (again Piero was equally a sponsor as Alberti), might suggest the Medici commissioned the deck for the wedding, since it was part and parcel of the peace they desperately coveted (skyrocketing castato taxes for war since the 1420s were untenable going forward). Filelfo's poetic invectives against the Medici reached a peak right up to the batlle of Anghiari, and so any peace offering in that direction (through the symbol of the Filelfo-allied family of the della Luna) would have been notable. But the intended audience was the Pope still resident in Florence - who was not at that Sforza-Bianca wedding in Cremona - and so anything beyond the Certame gesture was pointless.

The CY deck itself militates against the idea of Florentine production, even if the Florentine ur-tarot was the immediate model. For instance, there are no signs of 16 card Florentine suits. More importantly, it has now been shown that the impresa - what was especially done for the Malatesta deck (belli) - were not Sforzas', but rather Visconti house symbols loaned to Sforza, as indeed was the Visconti name itself on his medal at this time: VICECOMES. The Medici would never have done that. What was once popularly thought of as the quince symbolizing the Sforza ancestral fief of Cotignola on the CY Sword court cards has now been shown to be the Visconti medlar. However, that suit and along with the suit of cups/fountain was meant to be associated with Sforza is still borne out by the king of Swords - the king looking away from the helmeted page surely points to Sforza's father, Muzio (he drowned trying to save a page; there has been no other explanation offered that I am aware of). Even after taking Milan as his duchy, Muzio was highlighted in all laudatory works for Sforza; at this earlier period, Muzio would have been even more important to Francesco's standing.

Filelfo, on intimate terms with both Alberti and Bruni, would have known exactly what they were up to on behalf of the Medici (and he was present in Florence until 1435 and in Milan sometime in 1439). An ur-tarot deck must have found its way to Milan. I still believe he modified the ur-tarot for Filippo in the form of the CY archetype (subsequent variants such as the Brambilla exist of course) as a gift for Bianca at her wedding, with the goal of emphasizing that Sforza was being made Vicecomes and out of the orbit of Medici Florence. It was a counter gesture to what he surely thought as a bullshit token of "friendship" occurring via the Certame in Florence on or near the same day as the wedding. Florence and Milan's versions of the ur-tarot were at odds in terms of intended audience and allegiance and have to be fundamentally viewed that way in my opinion.

Phaeded

Re: Certame coronario October 1441

17
My view of how the Certame and the game of Triumphs are related is that both express Florentine culture in the common language, the culture of the plebe e i vulgari of Alberti's Protesta. Both show that the common language, and by extension the common man, can express sublime purposes, the equal of anything in Latin or Greek. Also, that Alberti was behind the Certame, and, I tend to think lately, had a hand in the game of Triumphs as well. The Certame is in the common language, while the Trionfi are made of the common iconography of Florence.

Brunelleschi, as the one who brought the idea of a trump sequence to Florence, allowed me to begin thinking about the structure of the game, both the trump sequence independently as well as the game as a whole, in an “architectural” way. Brunelleschi led me to Alberti, which reinforces that conceptual framework, and deepens it with actual texts to reference.

Re: Certame coronario October 1441

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Phaeded, ...

Wedding
https://www.italybyevents.com/en/events ... i-cremona/ ... 25th of October 1441, curiously a Monday.

Certame coronario
https://it.wikipedia.org/wiki/Certame_coronario ... 22th of October 1441,

It was not at the same day.

The father of Guisto Giusti had a trade with weapons in Anghiari I remember ....

automatic translation of ....
https://www-treccani-it.translate.goog/ ... r_pto=wapp
The Giusti were one of the most important Anghiarese families of the time, belonging to the "inside" faction, which was opposed to that of the "outside" families. According to Taglieschi, an Anghiarese historian of the early seventeenth century ( Annali… , pp. 108, 125), their origin would derive from the Paduan family of the Buonavitis. The progenitor of the Anghiarese branch would have been Bonavite, a blacksmith from Anghiari, whose name, again according to Taglieschi, appears in a deed by Ser Benvenuto Negozanti dated 7 March 1272 (Id., Priorista…, p. 224). In the land register delivered around 1430 by G.'s father, Giovanni, also a blacksmith, the net worth of the family was 457 florins, 12 soldi and 7 denarii, among the highest in the entire community. Economic prominence was combined with political prestige, as evidenced by the numerous positions held by Giovanni as early as 1392. Among the creditors listed in Giovanni's scope appears the "Chomune of Anghiari for supplies made for the war for the defense of the castle and armadure". Giovanni's large workshop, located in Piazza del Mercatale, produced the essential tools for one of the most important local "specializations": the art of war. Anghiari was in fact a land of infantrymen and constables: Baldaccio, Gregorio di Vanni, Agnolo Taglia, Leale di Cristoforo were all originally from the small community of the upper Valtiberina. And Florence, always in need of hired armies, was the natural place to offer one's services. For the young notary G. these would have been the premises for a very intense and eventful existence, spent as an attorney for men-at-arms and as a family member and trusted man of the Medici family - and of gentlemen such as Sigismondo Malatesta - as well as divided between the service of the Florentine Republic and the offices held in the community of origin, where the accumulated substances would have made him in 1467 one of the four richest and most taxed citizens.

One of the main sources for knowledge of G.'s life consists of what remains of his memoirs, which have come down to us in several partial and summary copies, datable between the late 16th and 19th centuries. Five different manuscripts are currently known: Nuove Accessioni 982 (pp. 1-285) and II.II.127 (cc. 33-140), the two most authoritative witnesses, both from the Bibl. national of Florence; II.III.88 (cc. 96-119), from the same library; the Manuscripts 161 (fasc. 5), by the Arch. of State of Florence; and the Fonds lat . 11887 (cc. 273r-274v), of the Bibliothèque nationale of Paris.
Giusto was 34 years in 1440 and his major occupation were then some services for 2 of the condottieri, which were active in the Anghiari region, Agnolo Taglia and Gregorio di Vanni of Anghiari. A natural activity considering the important role of his father in the weapon business. He had contact to Malatesta already in 1439, before the battle of Anghiari.
Do we have confirmation, that Giusto had spend very much time in Florence till 1440 ? I think not.
In fact, his first deed dates back to 14 May 1427, given in Campi where he was a member of the podestà's family. Subsequent assignments of this type led him to Foiano (1427-28), where he was presumably one of the notaries of the Municipality, to Barbialla (1428), to Figline (1428-29), to Tizzano (1431), to Bibbiena (1432) and in Anghiari (1437), where he was chancellor of the Florentine vicar Giovanni di Pagolo Morelli. Meanwhile, on 2 July 1430 he had married Tedalda di Giovanni di Gisbertone d'Anghiari, who had brought him 200 florins as a dowry
He worked in Anghiari for the Florentine vicar Giovanni di Pagolo Morelli, possibly since 1437 (Morelli, merchant, was then already 66 years old). In his youth he spend some short times in locations near to Florence. His wife was from Anghiari.
https://www.google.com/maps/dir/Anghiar ... 694125!3e0
Huck
http://trionfi.com

Re: Certame coronario October 1441

19
25 October 1441 was a Wednesday. The Certame was held on Sunday.

On the wedding, see Monica Visioli (University of Pavia), "Le nozze ducali del 1441. Documenti e iconografia" (2008) - https://www.researchgate.net/publicatio ... conografia (you can download it without signing up)

I also pointed out Maxson's paper, "The Certame coronario as performative ritual" back in January in this post -
viewtopic.php?p=25621#p25621

"Maxson interprets the event, held on 22 October 1441, in the light of the marriage of Bianca Maria Visconti and Francesco Sforza, which occurred two days later. It's quite an astonishing insight. His argument is that the Florentines hoped that the wedding was a herald of lasting peace, finally, between Milan and Florence, while the Certame coronario itself, whose theme was "true friendship," reflected the hope of civic reconciliation within the city."

It's worth reading to consider the wider political context of the contest.

Re: Certame coronario October 1441

20
Ross Caldwell wrote: 05 Mar 2023, 08:41 25 October 1441 was a Wednesday. The Certame was held on Sunday.

I also pointed out Maxson's paper, "The Certame coronario as performative ritual" back in January in this post -
viewtopic.php?p=25621#p25621

"Maxson interprets the event, held on 22 October 1441, in the light of the marriage of Bianca Maria Visconti and Francesco Sforza, which occurred two days later. It's quite an astonishing insight. His argument is that the Florentines hoped that the wedding was a herald of lasting peace, finally, between Milan and Florence, while the Certame coronario itself, whose theme was "true friendship," reflected the hope of civic reconciliation within the city."

It's worth reading to consider the wider political context of the contest.
A web program told me, that it was a Monday.
https://happyhappybirthday.net/en/1441/10/25
Huck
http://trionfi.com