Re: Visconti-Poggio correspondence 1438

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Phaeded wrote: 30 Jun 2023, 14:32
But for it to have made it to Milan and be mentioned in a letter from there, there must be some reference to blind/ness in a published work, pre-1438.

Phaeded
Zaggia mentions a couple of literary references. I'll get them and add to this post.

Here they are, page 6:
Visconti's letter, quite astutely, does not speak of political actualities. Instead it begins by addressing a stereotype, a "blason populaire", which held that the Florentines were blind, or short-sighted. This was a well-known saying about the Florentines, one that Boccaccio and others traced to an anecdote in which the Florentines were duped by people from Pisa. Dante also referenced this in his Inferno, saying of Florentines that an age-old rumor called them blind (Inf. 15.67).
Dante, Inferno 15:67-69, Allen Mandelbaum translation http://www.worldofdante.org/inferno1.html:

Brunetto Latino is speaking:
Vecchia fama nel mondo li chiama orbi;
gent' è avara, invidiosa e superba:
dai lor costumi fa che tu ti forbi.

The world has long since called them blind, a people
presumptuous, avaricious, envious;
be sure to cleanse yourself of their foul ways.
I haven't looked up what Boccaccio might have said.

Added: found it in the commentaries at the Dartmouth Dante Project https://dante.dartmouth.edu/, Boccaccio's commentary on the Inferno, written 1373-1375:
[Esposizione litterale] Poi segue: Vecchia fama nel mondo gli chiama orbi, cioè ciechi. Della qual fama si dice esser cagione questo: che, andando i Pisani al conquisto dell'isola di Maiolica, la quale tenevano i Saracini, e a ciò andando con grandissimo navilio e per questo lasciando la lor città quasi vòta d'abitanti, non parendo loro ben fatto, pensarono di lasciare la guardia di quella al Comun di Firenze, del quale essi erano a que' tempi amicissimi; e di ciò richestolo e ottenuto quello che disideravano, promisono, dove vittoriosi tornassero, di partire col detto Comune la preda che dell'acquisto recassono. E, avendo i Fiorentini con grandissima onestà servata la città e i Pisani tornando vincitori, ne recarono due colonne di porfido vermiglio bellissimo e porti, di tempio o della città che fossero, di legno, ma nobilissimamente lavorate: e di queste fecero due parti, ché posero dall'una parte le porti e dall'altra le due colonne coperte di scarlatto e diedero le prese a' Fiorentini, li quali, senza troppo avanti guardare, presono le colonne: le quali, venutene in Firenze e spogliate di quella vesta scarlatta, si trovarono essere rotte, come oggi le veggiamo davanti alla porta di san Giovanni. Or voglion dire alcuni che i Pisani, essendo certi che i Fiorentini prenderebbono le colonne, acciò che essi non avesser netto così fatto guiderdone, quelle abronzarono e in quello abronzare quelle esser così scoppiate; e, acciò che i Fiorentini di ciò non s'accorgessono, le vestirono di scarlatto: e perciò, per questo poco accorgimento de' Fiorentini, essere loro stato allora imposto questo sopranome, cioè ciechi, il quale mai poi non ci cadde. Ma, quanto è a me, non va all'animo questa essere stata la cagione, né quale altra si sia potuta essere non so. Seguono, appresso, troppo più disonesti cognomi: e volesse Idio che non si verificassero ne' nostri costumi, più che si verifichi il sopradetto!
ChatGPT translation, slightly amended:

"[Literal exposition] Then it follows: Old fame in the world calls them orbi (blind), that is, blind (ciechi). The cause of this is said to be as follows: when the Pisans went to conquer the island of Maiolica, which was held by the Saracens, and in doing so, they left their city almost empty of inhabitants, thinking it improper, they decided to leave the guard of the city to the Florentine Republic, with whom they were very friendly at that time. They requested and obtained what they desired, and promised that if they returned victorious, they would share the spoils of the conquest with the said Republic. The Florentines, with great honesty, guarded the city, and when the Pisans returned victorious, they brought back two beautiful columns of red porphyry, whether from a temple or from the city, made of wood but nobly crafted. They divided them into two parts, placing the gates on one side and the two columns covered in scarlet on the other, and they gave the gates to the Florentines, who, without looking too closely, accepted the columns. However, when they arrived in Florence and removed the scarlet coverings, they found the columns to be broken, as we see them today in front of the San Giovanni Gate. Now, some say that the Pisans, knowing that the Florentines would take the columns, so that they would not receive such a fine reward, charred them, and in charring them, they burst. And to prevent the Florentines from realizing this, they dressed them in scarlet. And because of this lack of awareness on the part of the Florentines, this nickname, that is, blind, was imposed on them, which has stuck with them ever since. But as for me, I do not believe this was the cause, nor do I know what other cause it could have been. Following this, there are much more dishonorable surnames, and may God prevent them from occurring in our customs, as much as the aforementioned one has!"

But Visconti says his source was one of his confidants, which may be Decembrio himself.

Re: Visconti-Poggio correspondence 1438

12
Ross Caldwell wrote: 30 Jun 2023, 14:55
Phaeded wrote: 30 Jun 2023, 14:32
But for it to have made it to Milan and be mentioned in a letter from there, there must be some reference to blind/ness in a published work, pre-1438.

Phaeded
But Visconti says his source was one of his confidants, which may be Decembrio himself.
Could have been part of the lingering urban invectives between the two cities going back to the likes of Bruni's 1404 Laudatio florentinae urbis, reissued in the 1430s with rebuttal by Decembrio in 1436, De Laudibus Mediolanesium Urbis Panegyricus. It should be fairly easy to see if Decembrio uses some version of "blind/ness" in that work or not. If not, I find it unlikely to be him, especially two years later.

But a confidant need not be local, but would have needed some connection to Florence (as Decembrio clearly has in penning that work) and a certain stature for the slur to regain currency.

Filelfo passes himself off as everyone's confidant, especially in his Odes for instance (as many of the dedicatees are rulers, or advisors to rulers), from the king of France to Aragon. Filelfo could have easily positioned himself as a prime court humanist candidate with Visconti, given their shared enemy of the Medici, by 1438 in seeking a "tier 1" job, beyond Siena. Clearly he'd been muckraking against the Medici, specifically using Dante against the Medici. This is remarkably relevant if the specific context for the 'blind' comment is Dante Inferno 15 and even Boccaccio's commentary on it. Keep in mind Bruni also wrote his twin vita on Dante and Petrarch in 1436 (trying to surpass Bocccaccio's bio) so Dante remained topical at this time. Not sure what Decembrio's connection to using Dante as a weapon would be.

This is still the context: June 1438 with Piccinino attacks Bresciano, quickly followed by Visconti's letter to Poggio in July. Hard to see this written by Visconti without any thought of a major potential enemy in that war. Any standing sleight towards Florence he wished to minimize and what he specifically offers to nip in the bud. And Poggio was connected to both Florence and the Curia/Papacy - both of which joined the 'Holy League' with Venice against Visconti. Once Florence joined the league, Visconti walked away from such apologetics and hired Filelfo. Both Decembrio and Filelfo are strong candidates (especially if 'blind' can be found in his De Laudibus, but I think the Dante context for the sleight points towards Filelfo.

Side note: One other context that remains a historical problem for me is Filelfo's friendship with Alfonso V and his chief advisor D'Avila. I always understood those friendships to have been mediated by Visconti after he captured those two at the battle of Ponza and royally treated them as prisoners back in Milan. The problem: the battle of Ponza was 1435 and Visconti released his royal prisoners by early 1436 at the latest (where we find them capturing Capua), much to Genoa's chagrin (the navy who won the battle). If Filelfo, who always brings up this kindness of Visconti's part when begging Alfonso off in 1451-4 to not attack the late duke's daughter and son-in-law (Bianca and Sforza), does not arrive in Milan until 1439, then how did that friendship ever flourish to begin with? In a broad sense its relevant, again, as a concrete example of how Filelfo positioned himself as a supra-national cosmopolitan humanist who was the confidant of the heads of Europe (even the Sultan, who he knew as a one-time Venetian envoy).

Re: Visconti-Poggio correspondence 1438

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Phaeded wrote: 30 Jun 2023, 14:32 Poggio working off and on again in the Curia, now living ion Florence, was the understood as the perfect conduit for the Duke's peace overtures.
Not IN Florence, but, as his letter says, at his home in Terranuova, 20km southeast of Florence. His first child with his young wife Vaggia de' Buondelmonti, Pietro Paolo, was also born in 1438, although I don't know the date. Poggio was no stranger to children, though, having fathered 14 of them already in Rome with his girlfriend Lucia Pannelli, according to Valla.

The plague had hit Ferrara by mid-July, as well as Bologna and Florence. See Gill, The Council of Florence, pages 125-126. Many of the cardinals and lesser clergy, not to mention the functionaries of the curia like Poggio, had been permitted to leave by September.

As his other letter of that year to Decembrio explains, he received the letter from either Cosimo himself or an emissary, who had in turn received it from the Curia in Ferrara, where Decembrio had sent it in July.

Re: Visconti-Poggio correspondence 1438

14
Ross Caldwell wrote: 30 Jun 2023, 18:46
Phaeded wrote: 30 Jun 2023, 14:32 Poggio working off and on again in the Curia, now living in Florence, understood as the perfect conduit for the Duke's peace overtures.
Not IN Florence, but, as his letter says, at his home in Terranuova, 20km southeast of Florence. His first child with his young wife Vaggia de' Buondelmonti...

There's a good old Florentine name, taking us back to Dante's position that a murder in that family triggered the Guelphs and Ghibellines conflict. There is still an old medieval tower house of theirs not far from the Ponte Vecchio.
Image

Re: Visconti-Poggio correspondence 1438

15
Phaeded wrote: 30 Jun 2023, 18:29 Could have been part of the lingering urban invectives between the two cities going back to the likes of Bruni's 1404 Laudatio florentinae urbis, reissued in the 1430s with rebuttal by Decembrio in 1436, De Laudibus Mediolanesium Urbis Panegyricus. It should be fairly easy to see if Decembrio uses some version of "blind/ness" in that work or not.
And for Filelfo as the source the answer would sure be in this:
…the oration composed in 1437 [Oration to the exiles against Cosimo de' Medici] that attacks Cosimo de’Medici and urges the exiled Florentine aristocrats to take heart by placing their hopes in the assistance of Filippo Maria Visconti, who would in a short space of time become Filelfo’s patron in Milan. The Commentationes Florentinae de exilo [On Exile], a somewhat later work begun in and 1440 and never finished…

Blanchard, W. Scott. “Patrician Sages and the Humanist Cynic: Francesco Filelfo and the Ethics of World Citizenship.” Renaissance Quarterly 60, no. 4 (2007): 1107–69, 1114

I have the latter 1440 work, On Exile, and sure enough there are allusions to blindness of the Medici partisans that are party to the dialogue (e.g., Rinaldo Albizzi to Poggio: "provided that you clear the bleariness from your eyes", 107) but the 1437 Oration would have to be what is at issue, since it it is pointedly attacking Cosimo right before 1438. De Keyer says it is "unedited" and I've been unable to find any version of it. But if Filelfo is already pointing Strozzi, Albizzi and the others to Visconti in 1437 then surely he had solid communications with his court well before he became the chief humanist there in 1439. In 1438 I would argue Visconti is downplaying that relationship or rather suggesting he can control the offending source (if in in fact the source of the 'blind' gibe is Filelfo).

Somewhere in these two works is surely clarity regarding this problem.
Last edited by Phaeded on 30 Jun 2023, 20:13, edited 1 time in total.

Re: Visconti-Poggio correspondence 1438

16
Phaeded wrote: 30 Jun 2023, 20:04 De Keyers says it is "unedited" and I've been unable to find any version of it. But if Filelfo is already pointing Strozzi, Albizzi and the others to Visconti in 1437 then surely he had solid communications with his court well before he became the chief humanist there in 1439. In 1438 I would argue Visconti is downplaying that relationship or rather suggesting he can control the offending source (if in in fact the source of the 'blind' gibe is Filelfo).

Somewhere in these two works is surely clarity regarding this problem.
What details can you provide?

Okay, I've got it from JSTOR. Long, 69 pages, but I can screen grab it.
https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1353/ren.2007.0414

Not clear on what Blanchard is referring to - Filelfo's Satyrae? Note 17 says that half have been published as of 2007. Probably the other half by now.

Re: Visconti-Poggio correspondence 1438

17
Ross Caldwell wrote: 30 Jun 2023, 20:13
Phaeded wrote: 30 Jun 2023, 20:04 De Keyers says it is "unedited" and I've been unable to find any version of it. But if Filelfo is already pointing Strozzi, Albizzi and the others to Visconti in 1437 then surely he had solid communications with his court well before he became the chief humanist there in 1439. In 1438 I would argue Visconti is downplaying that relationship or rather suggesting he can control the offending source (if in in fact the source of the 'blind' gibe is Filelfo).

Somewhere in these two works is surely clarity regarding this problem.
What details can you provide?

Okay, I've got it from JSTOR. Long, 69 pages, but I can screen grab it.
https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1353/ren.2007.0414
Great! Edit: Oh, I thought you meant the Oration. I've linked and quoted Blanchard numerous times here before (there used to be a run-on badly paginated version on-line - "open source" something - but I can no longer find that). If you find the Latin of the Oration please let me know.

The first half of Filelfo's Satyrae, BTW, date from 1432 to 1439 (Oliver, Revilo P. “The Satires of Filelfo.” Italica 26, no. 1 (1949): 23–46, 28 https://doi.org/10.2307/476056).

In Filelfo, Francesco. On Exile. United Kingdom: Harvard University Press, 2013, De Keyer offers:
In this unedited work Filelfo lionized Filippo Maria Visconti, the duke of Milan, whom he believed would restore oligarchic control in Florence, and vilified Cosimo de'Medici. He accused Cosimo of murder, adultery, embezzlement of papal funds and many other crimes. He focused in particular on slandering Cosimo's supposedly lowborn ancestry, a tactic that was frequently at the heart of invective writing at that time.... (p. xi).
I really don't think Decembrio would have put Visconti in this kind of foreign relations position...making him the figurehead around whom the Florentine exiles should rally for a seditious coup of the Medici? Does get anymore heated than that. Otherwise we are talking about the fairly innocuous term "blind Florentines" - hardly the stuff of an international incident. It had to be connected to something more, like what the muck-raking Filelfo was up to.
Last edited by Phaeded on 30 Jun 2023, 20:33, edited 2 times in total.
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